EB Huntington biography of John Lothropp

John LOTHROPP, for this is the form in which lie wrote his name, deserves, in this work, a much more complete biography than our sources of information will furnish. Of printed materials towards such a biography, we have but very few, and these very meager. Neal's "History of the Puritans "; Gov. Winthrop's " Journal "; Morton's " New England Memorial "; a " Biographical Sketch " written by Rev. John Lathrop, D.D., of Boston, for his kinsman of the Lathrop blood, Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D., of Charlestown and that brief but just sketch in Dr. Sprague's "Annals of the American Pulpit," and Mr. Otis' quite exhaustive collections printed in the Yarmouth paper, will exhaust the list. A few gleanings from English records, before his immigration to America, and a few from, American records after that date, must complete the story as we are now able to tell it.

Baptized, as our English record shows, in Etton, Yorkshire Dec. 20, 1584 he was educated, not in Oxford as Dr. Lathrop's sketch supposes, but in Queen's College. Cambridge, where he was matriculated in 1601, graduated B. A. in 1605, and M. A. in 1609.

Authentic records next locate him in Egerton, 48 miles southeast from London, in the Lower Half hundred of Calehill, Lathe of Scray, County of Kent, as curate of the parish church there. To this living he was admitted about 1611 by the Dean and Chapter of St Paul. Our baptismal records, already given show that he was there in the fall of 1614, and last report his family there in the fall of 1619. It was probably his first and only parish charge as a minister of the English Church. That he was an an acceptable minister we have no reason to doubt. The church in which he officiated was an ancient structure, standing on the summit of a rounded hill, and could be seen from a great distance. The site was very beautiful; the church itself, dedicated to St. James, consisted of two aisles and a chancel. At the west end rose its square tower with a beacon turret, altogether constituting a feature which gives a charm to so many a pleasant English landscape.

Here Mr. Lothropp labored faithfully as long as his judgment could approve the ritual and government of the Church. But when he could no longer do this, we find him conscientiously renouncing his orders, and asserting the right of still fulfilling a ministry to which his heart and his conscience had called him.

Accordingly, in 1623 his decision is made. He bids adieu to the church of his youth, and with no misgivings, now in the fullness of his early manhood, subscribes with a firm hand to the doctrines, and espouses with a courageous heart the cause of the Independents. Henceforth his lot is with conventicle men in his mother land, and with the exiled founders of a great nation in a new world. We will not stop to justify his renunciation, nor his espousal.

if the story we are to tell fails of doing this, any other proof we could summon would equally fail.

The date of his leaving Egerton is 1623, and the next year he is called to succeed the Rev. Henry Jacob, an independent minister who, having been for eight years the pastor of the First Independent Church in London, resigned his place to remove to Virginia. This church, at that date, was situated on Union St.,

Southwark, and from the burial lot attached to it, was still later known as the Deadman's Place. Not a vestige now remains above ground to show the locality. One single stone, still buried, or which certainly was lying buried July 20, 1872, when I visited the spot, beneath the rubbish and earth in the rear yard of ----- Barclay & Perkins great brewery will yet testify for that old house. At that date the congregation of dissenters to which he ministered had no place of public worship, their worship itself being illegal. Only such as could meet the obloquy and risk the danger of worshiping God in violation of human statute were likely to be found in that secret gathering. Yet in goodly numbers, in such places in Southwark as they could stealthily occupy, they held together and were comforted and instructed by the minister of their choice. For not less than eight years they so worshiped. No threats of vengeance deterred, and no vigilance of officious ministers of the violated law detected them. More watchful grew the minions of Laud. Keen-scented Church hounds traversed all the narrow ways of the city whose most secret nooks could by any possibility admit even a small company of the outlaws. One of the wiliest of these pursuivants of the bishop, Tomlinson by name, tracked Mr. Lothropp and his followers to their retreat. They had met for worship as had been their wont, little thinking that it would be their last gathering with their beloved minister. How far they had gone in their service we shall probably never know. What words of cheer they had spoken or heard we may not repeat Their private sanctuary, a room in the, house of Mr. Humphrey Barnet, a brewer's clerk in Black Friars, is suddenly invaded. Tomlinson and his ruffian band, with a show of power above their resistance, sieze forty two of their number, allowing only eighteen of them to escape, and make that 22d day of April, 1632, forever memorable to those suffering Christians, by handing them over in fetters to the executioners of a law which was made for godly men to break. In the old Clink prison, in Newgate, and in the Gatehouse, all made for felons, these men, "of whom the world was not worthy," lingered for months. In the spring of 1634, all but Mr. Lothropp were released on bail. He, their leader, the chief offender, was deemed too dangerous to be set at liberty. Like the gifted Hooker, it was felt that his words and his example had " already more impeached the peace of our Church," than the church could bear." His genius will still haunte all the pulpits in ye country, when any of his scolers may be admitted to preach."

And so his prison doors swung to again and seemed to leave him no hope of release or escape.

During these months a fatal sickness was preying upon his wife, and bringing her fast toward her end. The "New England's Memorial," by Nathaniel Morton, published in 1669, and then near enough the date of the incidents given, to be a credible witness, gives us these touching incidents of that imprisonment: "His wife fell sick, of which sickness she died. He procured liberty of the bishop to visit his wife before her death, and commended her to God by prayer, who soon gave up the ghost. At his return to prison, his poor children, being many, repaired to the bishop at Lambeth, and made known unto him their miserable condition, by reason of their good father's being continued in close durance, who commiserated their condition so far as to grant him liberty, who soon after came over into New England."

The State Papers in the New Record Office, Fetter Lane, London, have preserved some of the Star Chamber records of those days during which Mr. Lothropp was thus imprisoned. The following copies from these records will tell their own story:

"June 12, 1634. John Lathrop of Lambeth Marsh. Bond to be certified, and be attached if he appear not on next court day.

"June 19. Bond ordered to be certified and to be attached for non-appearance.

"Oct. 9. John Lathrop and Samuel Eaton, to be attached for non-appearance.

"1634-5, Feb. 19. John Lathrop and Sam. Eaton for contempt in not appearing to answer touching their keeping conventicles, their bonds ordered to be certified and they attached and committed.

"1634, Apr. 24. John Lathrop enlarged on bond to appear in Trinity term, and not to be present at any private conventicles."

This last record was probably the order of the court which opened the way for the escape of Mr. Lathrop to America. At any rate the year had not ended before the following record showed him to be a freeman in a land in which he rejoiced to find

A Church without a bishop

And a State without a king.

The record is found on page 71 of Gov. Winthrop's Journal, under date of Sept. 18, 1634:

"The Griffin and another ship now arriving with about 200 passengers. Mr. Lathrop and Mr. Sims, two godly ministers coming in the same ship." The next page of the journal has this item, which shows how tender the conscience of Mr. Lothropp was on a question of Christian propriety.

"Mr. Lathrop had been pastor of a private congregation in London, and for the same, kept long time in prison, upon refusal of the oath, ex-officio, being in Boston upon a sacrament day, after the sermon, desired leave of the congregation to be present at the administration, but said that he durst not desire to partake in it, because he was not then in order, being dismissed from his former congregation, and he thought it not fit to be suddenly admitted into any other, for example sake, and because of the deceitfulness of man's heart."

On reaching Boston with that portion of his London flock who had accompanied him, he found already the preparations begun to welcome him to a new home in Scituate. At least nine pioneers bad built their houses in that new settlement, and to it, with such of his people as were ready to accompany him, he repaired Sept. 27, 1634. Sometime near the end of September he makes an entry in the private journal to preserve the names of those pioneers who had so prepared the way before him. Their names, Hatherly, Cudworth, Gillson, Anniball, Rowlyes, Turner, Cobbes, Hewes, and Foster, show them to have been mainly London and Kent men; and would suggest that they had known of Mr. Lothropp's previous career and bad called him to come among them as their minister. A letter, written in December by one of them, James Cudworth, to the Rev. Dr. John Stoughton, of St. Mary's Church, Aldermanbury, London, confirms this supposition. In referring to the unsettled plantations near Boston, of

which he names three, Duxbury, Scituate, and Bear Cove, he then speaks of the second:

"Oures, Cittewate, to whom the Lord has bine verey gracious, & his p'vidence has bine Admoralely sene oure beyenge to bringe vs oure Pastor, whome wee so longe expected Mr Lathorpe, who the Lord has brought to vs in safety, whome wee finde to bee a holy, Reuerat & heuenly minded man,

This shows that in some sort the new home and field of ministerial labor had been already prepared for Mr. Lothroppe at Scituate. Of his cordial welcome to it, we have this pleasant testimony from the pen of Mr. Otis.

"The kindly reception which was extended to him, and the cordial welcomes with which he was greeted, were most gratifying to his feelings, and he resolved that Scituate should be his future home-the fold into which he would gather together the estrays of his scattered flocks. His grateful heart believed that the hand of God had opened this door for him,-had at last given him a resting-place from his toils. Here, protected by law, lie could build up church institutions, and here he and his family could dwell together in peace, surrounded by the loving friends of his youth. Willing hands quickly built a house for his family, of "meane" proportions, and of "meaner" architecture, yet it was a shelter from the storm a place that he could call his own-a blessing from 'Him who had not where to lay His head.' "

Of the house which is thus characterized as of "meane" proportions." Mr. Otis gives this description;

"The walls were made of poles filled between with stones and clay, the roof thatched, the chimney to the mantel of rough stone, and above of cob work, the windows of oiled paper, and the floors of hand-sawed planks."

The following record, preserved for us in the handwriting of the Scituate pioneer, is perhaps the only record extant regarding his call and settlement in the ministry at Scituate:

"Jann: 19, 1634, att my house, uppon wch day I was chosen Pastour and invested into office."

Whatever the service of investiture may have been, there can hardly Ile room for doubt that it was as simple and unpretending as the times and the people calling for it compelled. Previously to this date the services had been held in Mr. James Cudworth's house; and afterwards, for some time, we find the congregation worshiping in private dwellings.

But of the beginning of his work in Scituate we have fortunately a record preserved in the copy made by the Rev. Dr. Stiles, President of Yale College in 1769, from the original in the haridwriting of Mr. Lothropp himself. The following extract from this copy, which was printed in the Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1855, is worthy of preservation in this sketch:

"Touching the congregation(& church) of Christ collected att Scituate. The 28 of September, 1634, being the Lord's day, I came to Scituate the night before & on the Lord's day spent my first Labours, Forenoon & Afternoon.

"Upon the 23 of Novemb. 1634 or Breathren of Situate that were members at Plimouth were dismissed from their membershipp, in case they joyned in a body att Situate.

"Upon January 8, 1634 (0. S.) Wee had a day of humilation & and then att night joyned in covenaunt togeather. So many of us as had beene in Covenaunt before."

Then follow the names of eight brethren and the wives of four of them, and the eleventh, " myselfe," shows that this pioneer minister at Scituate counted himself as one of the infant church, which he was called to serve.

That Mr. Lathrop was still a widower at this date is probable from the manner in which his own record is made. But that he soon married again is shown by the records of his church, made by himself in 1635. Record No. 25 gives us this knowledge: "My wife and Brother Foxwell's wife joyned having their dismission from elsewhere, June 14, 1635." Who this second wife was we shall not probably be able to learn, save that that her Christian name was Anna. That she was the mother of all of his children born in this country is doubtless true. Mr. Otis supposes her to have been the daughter of William Hammond of Watertown, and says that she was a widow. He also gives the date of her marriage Feb. 17, 1687-8, which, as Mr. Lathrop had been dead over thirty years, could not have been. He also says that she died Feb. 25, 1687-8, which is possible.

The settlement at Scituate was increased by a large addition in the summer of 1635, mainly by a new immigration from Kent. The worship of the people had thus far been held in the house of Mr. Cudworth. On Monday, Jan. 29, 1635, a meeting was held in Mr. Lothropp's house, a meeting for humiliation and prayer. In that private dwelling, by the votes of the brethren assembled, Mr. Lothropp was formally chosen the minister of the place, and by the laying on of their hands he was, as he fully believed, in true Apostolic manner once more inducted into the pastoral office.

Down to Nov. 11, 1638, Mr. Lothropp had entered on this record sixty two names, and among them from his own family circle the following:

No. 36 and 37. Isaac Robinson & My Sonn Fuller joyned having their Letters dismissive from the church at Plimouth unto us Novemb. 7, 1636.

No. 51. My Sonn Thomas Lothropp joyned May 4, 1637.

No. 60 & 61. My Brother Robert Linnell & his wife having a letter of dismission from the church in London joyned to us, Septemb. 16, 1638.

The records made by Mr. Lothropp, from which we have now copied, are a good witness to us of what we shall have occasion to note hereafter, his unusually methodical and efficient business habits. They have been deemed of such importance as to have been copied not less than five times, at least all of them which survived the wear of that first century of change. Taken to Connecticut by the Rev. Elijah Lothrop of Gilead, No. 295, and falling into the hands of the Rev. Dr. Ezra Stiles of Yale College, in 1769, he made a copy of them, which are now among his manuscript papers in Yale Library. The Rev. Mr. Carleton, of Barnstable, copied Dr. Stiles's copy, and from this copy, collated with another, made by the Rev. Jonathan Russell, Mr. Otis prepared the copy of

the "Scituate and Barnstable Church Records," which was printed in Vols. IX and X of the New England Historical and Genealogical Register.

On his consenting to settle in Scituate, the court granted him a farm, which their committee laid out, according to Mr. Deane, on the southeast side of Coleman's hill. It was "nigh the first Herring brook when it approaches nearest to the Sand hills; bounded by Josiah Chickett's land west, by John Hewes' land & the high way south, & by Humphrey Turner's east." He was also assigned shares in the New Harbor Marshes between his house and the North river.

Though welcomed to this field by some who must have known him in England, and who probably had been his parishioners there, we learn from Mr. Deane that his ministry in Scituate "was not prosecuted with great success or in much peace." The principal reason assigned for his early removal to Barnstable has been the difference between himself and some of his people on the question of baptism. While this or some other cause of alienation in the church is most apparent in the records which he left, another ground of dissatisfaction at Scituate, is the only one formally named in the letters which follow, and which are here introduced for the two-fold purpose of explaining the removal which so soon followed the settlement, and also to preserve the only authentic document from his pen--excepting the church records--now known to the author to exist. That copies of his "Queries respecting Baptism" were printed in London, a few years after his removal to Barnstable, we know from "Hamburg's Independents," in which he refers to them. Yet probably no copy of the issue can now be recovered; certainly none is indexed among the Lothrop collections in the British Museum, and no antiquary of whom I enquired in England had ever seen it.

The letters which now follow were found among Mr. Winslow's papers, and were published in the first volume, second series of the Massachusetts Historical Collections:

Situate, February 18, 1638.

To the right worthy and much-reverenced, Mr. Prince, governor-Grace, mercy and peace be forever multiplied.

"Sundry circumstances of importance concurring towards the present state of myself and the people in covenant with me, presse me yett againe to sett pen to paper, to the end that the busyness in hand might with greater expedition be pressed forward, if it may be: not willing to leave any lawful means unattempted, that we are able to judge, to be the means of God, that soe we might have the more comfort to rest in the issue that God himselfe shall give in the use of his own means. Yett I would be loth to be too much pressing herein, least the more haste on our part should occasion the less speed, or overspurring, when by reason of abundance of freeness, there needs none at all, I should dishearten, and so procure some unwillingness. But considering your godly wisdome in discerning our condition and presuming of your love unfeigned to us-ward, which cannot but effect a readiness on your part, in passing by and covering of our infirmitye, I am much emboldened, with all due reverence and respect, both to your place and person, to re-salute you.

"The truth is, many greviances attend mee, from the which I would be freed, or att least have them mitigated, if the Lord see it good. Yett would I raither with patience leave them, than to grieve or sadd any heart, whose heart ought not to be grieved by me, much lesse yours; whom I honour and regard with my soule, as I do that worthy instrument of God's honour, together with yourselfe, Mr. Bradford, because I am confident you make the advanceing of God's honour your chiefest honour, And the raither I would not bee any meanes to grieve you, inasmuch as I conceive you want not meanes otherwise of grief enough. But that I be not too tedious, and consequently too grievous. The principal occasion of my present writing is this: Your worthy selfe, together with the rest joyned and assisting in government with you, much reverenced and esteemed of us, having gratiously and freely uppon our earnest and humble suites, granted and conferred a place for the transplanting of us, to the end God might have the more glorye and wee more comfort; both which wee have solidd grounds to induce us to believe will be effected: For the which free and most loveing grant, we both are and ever remain to bee, by the grace of the highest,abundantly thankeful . Now here lyes the stone that some of the breathern here stumble att; which happely is but imaginarye, and not reall and, then there will be no need of removeall.And that is this, some of them, have certaine jelousies and fears that there is some privie undermineing and secrett plotting by some there, with some here, to hinder tile seasonable successe of the work in hand, to witt of out removeall by procuring a procrastination, in some kinde of project, to have the tyme deferred, that the conveniencye of the tyme of removeing beeing wore out before we can have free and cleare passage to remove, that soe wee might not remove att all.But what some one particular happely with you, with some amongst us here, may attempt in this kinde for private and personal ends, I neither know, nor care, nor fear, forasmuchas I am fully perswaded that your endeared selfe, and Mr. Bradford, with the rest in general. to whom power in this behalfe belongeth, are sincerelye and firmelye for us, to expeditt and compleate the busyness as soon as may be, so that our travells and paines, our costs and charge, shall not be lost and in vaine herein, nor our hopes frustrated. Now the trueth is, I have been the more willing to endite and present these few lines, partly to wipe away any rumour that might bee any wayes raised upp of distrustfullness on our partes, especially, to clear my own innocencye of having any suspition herein; as alsoe to signifye since the place hath been granted and confirmed unto us; some of the breathren have sold their houses and lands here, and have put themselves out of all. And others have put out their improved grounds to the half increase thereof, upon their undoubted expectation forthwith as it were to begin to build and plant in the new plantation. Wherein if they should be disappointed, it would be a means to cast them into some great extremitye.
Wherefore lett me intreate and beseech you in the bowells of the Lord, without any offence, both in this respect, as also for other reasons of greater importance, which I will forbear to specifye: To do this further great curtesey for us, to make composition with the Indians for the place, and priviledges thereof in our behalfe, with that speed you cann; and wee will freely give satisfaction to them, and strive to bee the more enlarged in thankefulnesse to you. I verily thinke wee shall never have any rest in our spiritts, to rest or stay here; and I suppose you thinke little * * otherwise, and am therefore the more confident that you will not neglect any opportunitye, that might make for our expedition herein. I and some of the breathren have intreated our brother John Coake, who is with you, and of you, a member of your congregation, to bee the best furtherance in such occasions, as either doe or may concerne us, as possibly hee may or cann, who hath alsoe promised unto us his best service herein. Thus wishing and praying, for your greatest prosperitye every wayes, I humbly take my leave.

"Remaining to be at your command and service in the Lord.

"JOHN LOTHROPP.

"From Scituate, Feb. 18, 1638.

[Superscribed thus.]

To the right worthy and much-honored Governor Prince, all his home in Plimouth."Give these I pray. "

SECOND LETTER.

"To the right worthy and much-honoured Mr. Prince, our endearoured governor of Plymouth, Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplyed."

My dear and pretious

Esteemed with the highest esteeme and respect, above every other particular in these territoryes; being now in the roome of God, and by him that is the God of gods, deputed as a god on earth unto us, in respect of princely function and calling. Unto whom wee ingeniously confesse all condigne and humble service from us to bee most due. And if we knowe our hearts, you have our hearts, and our best wishes for you. As Peter said in another case, doe wee in this particular say, it is good for us to be heere: (wee mean under this septer and government) under which wee can bee best content to live and dye. And if it bee possible we would have nothing for to separate us from you, unless it be death. Our souls (I speak in regard of many of us) are firmely lincked unto your worthy self, and unto many, the Lord's worthyes with you. Wee shall ever account your advancement ours. And I hope through grace, both by prayer and practice, wee shall endeavour to our best abilitye, to advance both the throne of our civill dignitye, and the kingly throne of Christ, in the severall administrations thereof in the midst of you. Hereunto (the truth is) we can have no primer obligation, than the straite and stronge tyes of the gospell. If we had no more, this would alwayes bee enough to binde us close in discharge of all willing and faithful duetye both unto you and likewise unto all the Lord's annointed ones with you. But seeing over and above, out of your gratious dispositions (through the grace and mercy of the Highest) you are pleased to sett your faces of favour more towards us, (though a poor and contemptable people) than towards any other particular people whatsoever, that is a people distinct from yourselves. As wee have had good and cleare experience hereof before, and that from tyme to tyme; see wee now againe in the renewed commiseration towards us, as most affectionate nurseing fathers, being exceeding willing and readye to gratifye us, even to our best content, in the point of removall: Wee being incapacitated thereunto, and that in divers weighty considerations, some, if not all of which, are well known bothe to yourselfe, and to others with you. Now your love being to us transcendent, passing the love you have shewn to any without you, wee can soe much the more, as indebted unto our good God in praises, soe unto yourselves in services. We will ever sett downe in humble thankfullness in the perpetual memory of your exceeding kindnesse. Now we stand stedfast in our resolution to remove our tents and pitch elsewhere, if wee cann see Jehovah going before us. And in very deed, in our removeing, wee would have our principal ende, God's own glorye, our Sion's better peace and prosperitye, and the sweet and happie regiment of the Prince of our salvation more jointly imbraced, and more fully exalted. And if externall comfortable conveniences as an overplus, shall bee cast in, according to the free promise of the Lord, wee trust then, as wee shall receive more compleate

comfort from him, soe he shall receive more compleate honour by us: for which purpose we humbly crave, as the fervencye of your devotions, soe the constancye of your wonted christian endeavours. And being fully perswaded of your best assistance herein, as well in the one as in the other, wee will labour to wait at the throne of grace, expecting that issue that the Lord shall deeme best

"In the intrim, with abundance of humble and unfeigned thankes on every hand on our parts remembered wee take our leave, remaining, obliged forever unto you, in all duety, and service.

"John Lothropp."

"From Scituate, the 28 of this 7th, month [September ] 1638."

N. B. Three names are subscribed beneath the name of Mr. Lothropp, which are not perfectly legible: the first appears to be Anthony Aniball ; the second, ----- Cobb; the third, ----- Robinson; to which are added the words, " In behalf of the church." [Superscribed thus:]

"To the right worthy and much-reverenced Mr, Prince, Governor at Plimouth." Leaving the foregoing letters to explain as they may tile reasons for a removal, we find the following statement of Mr. Otis as to its date: " Mr. Lothropp and the large company arrived in Barnstable Oct. 11, 1639, 0. S., bringing with them the crops which they had raised in Scituate. Pressed as they must have been with the preparations needed for wintering comfortably in their new home, they did not forget that the main object of their pilgrimage from the mother land, was the service and glory of God. With no house of worship yet built, they meet and worship in the rude pioneer house of one of their number," poor Mr. Hull. Ten days after their arrival they gave a whole day to fasting, humiliation, and prayer, whose object was " For the grace of God to settle us here in church estate and to unite us together in holy walking, and make us faithful in keeping covenant with God and one another."

Eleven days later, on the eleventh of December, they set apart another day for religious worship, this time for the worship of thanksgiving. "The day was very cold, and after the close of the public service they divided into three companies to feast together, some at Mr. Hull's, some at Mr. Mayo's, and some at brother Lumberd, Senior's."

What sort of thanksgiving service they had under the lead of Mr. Lothropp,


appears from the records of the Scituate church. In reporting the first Thanksgiving in the new town, Dec. 22, 1636, the record covering not only the religious offering of the public service, but also the festive and social offerings in theirseveral homes, afterward. It is here quoted as setting before us, a practical estimate of the pioneer minister and his people:

"Beginning some half an hour before nine, and continued until after twelve o'clock ye day being very cold, beginning with a short prayer, then a psalm sung, then more large in prayer, after that another psalm, and the WORD taught, after that prayer, and then a psalm. Then making merry to the creatures, the poorer sort being invited by the virtue."

On coming to Barnstable, he built, according to Mr Otis, a small house where Eldridge's hotel now stands. Mr. Palfrey tells its that " Four acres for a house

lot had been assigned to Mr. Lothrop soon after his arrival , on the east side that inclosure which probably had been used for interments from the first settlement." But the first home of the new pastor was both too small and uncomfortable. His second was a more substantial building, and made ready for occupancy about 1644. That it was built of solid and enduring material is well attested in the simple fact that its frame still stands. Mr. Otis thus testifies concerning it: "The house has undergone many transformations but the original remains, It is now one of the prettiest buildings in thr village, and is occupied for a parsonage and a public Ii library."

It was with no ordinary emotions that I called to see that house in, which the last years of the worthy pioneer of a large proportion of our Lothrop and Lathrop race in this country had closed his mortal life. Though more than 229 years have passed away, since its frame was built, here is still some what left us, as a hint at least of the work and worth of the day of Puritan beginnings here. Its foundation builders were no mere fancy men, were in no sense fast men- they were content by humble, hard toil to work God's best materials into most enduring forms, on which the coming generations could build in all time to come the worthiest monuments of these stout hearted, truth-loving pioneers.

Mr. Otis who has written more upon the American life of our pioneer than any other writer, and who being on the ground where he spent the last years of his ministerial life and thoroughly familiar with all the records of the church and town, and perhaps had facilities for forming an estimate of his character and influence which no other man has used to the same extent, has at several points in his weekly articles on "John Lothropp and his descendants," given glimpses of the man which we can do no better than to preserve. In No. 230 of his articles, he says: " John Lothrop and his followers were held by the people to be martyrs in the cause of Independency. No persecutions, no severity that their enemies could inflict, caused him, or one of his followers to waver. They submitted without a murmur to loss of property, to imprisonment in loathsome jails, and to be separated for two years from their families and friends, rather than subscribe to the forms of worship that Charles and his bigoted prelates endeavored to force on their consciences."

In No. 245, lie says of him and his sons: " Mr. Lothrop was as distinguished for his worldly wisdom as for his piety. He was a good business man, and so were all of his sons. Wherever one of the family pitched his tent, that spot soon became a center of business, and land in its vicinity appreciated in value. It is the men that make a place, and to Mr. Lothrop in early times, Barnstable was more indebted than to any other family,"

From No. 231, we take the following: " Whatever exceptions we may take to Mr. Lothrop's theological opinions, all must admit that he was a good and true man, an independent thinker, and a man who held opinions in advance of his times. Even in Massachusetts, a half century has not elapsed since his opinions on religious toleration have been adopted by the legislature."

Mr. Lothrop fearlessly proclaimed in Old and in New England the great truth that man is not responsible to his fellow man in matters of faith and conscience. Differences of opinion he tolerated. During the fourteen years that he was pastor of the Barnstable church, such was his influence over the people that the power of the civil magistrate was not needed to restrain crime, No pastor was ever more beloved by his people, none ever had a greater influence * * * * To

become a member of his church, no applicant was compelled to sign a creed or confession of faith.He retained his freedom. He professed his faith in God, and promised that it should be his constant endeavor to keep His commandments, to live a pure life, and to walk in love with the brethren "

Mr. Morton who "thought meet in his Memorial to nominate some of the Specialest"
of the worthy ministers whom God had sent into New names as the fourth on the list "Mr. John Laythorp, sometimes preacher of Gods word in Egerton," and elsewhere in the Memorial he testifies to his former fidelity in London, in witnessing against the errors of the times. Still again he says of him: " He was a man of humble and broken heart spirit, lively in dispensation of the Word of God, studious of peace, furnished with godly contentment, willing to spend and be spent for the cause of the church of Christ."

Mr. Lothropp died in Barnstable, Nov. 8, 1653, the last entry on his church records in his own hand having been made June 15, 1653.

A will was made by him which he failed of signing, though it was, without objection, admitted to probate. Letters of administration were however granted March 7, 1653-4 to "Mrs. Laythorpe," and Mr. Thomas Prence was "appointed and requested by the court to take oath unto the estate at home."

The following, is a memoranda of the will as left by Mr. Lothropp:

"To my wife my new dwelling house. To my oldest son Thomas, the house in which I first lived in Barnstable. To my son John in England, and Benja min here, each a cow and £5. Daughter Jane and Barbara have had their portions already. To the rest of the children, both mine and my wife's, each a cow. To each child one book, to be chosen according to their ages. The rest of my library to be sold to any honest man who can tell how to use it, and the proceeds to be divided," etc.

The inventory estimates the rest of the Library to be worth £5.